龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者第八十期：在后現(xiàn)代情境中，被技術(shù)統(tǒng)治的人類社會(huì)，只有強(qiáng)化交談、重建溝通倫理，才能獲得文化新生的力量。這不是誰(shuí)的理論，而是每個(gè)人都應(yīng)實(shí)踐的活動(dòng)。龔鵬程先生遊走世界，并曾主持過(guò)“世界漢學(xué)研究中心”。我們會(huì)陸續(xù)推出“龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者”系列文章，請(qǐng)他對(duì)話一些學(xué)界有意義的靈魂。范圍不局限于漢學(xué)，會(huì)涉及多種學(xué)科。以期深山長(zhǎng)谷之水，四面而出。

米瑞安·德瑞森（Miriam Driessen）

牛津大學(xué)全球與區(qū)域研究學(xué)院（School of Global Area Studies）、東方研究學(xué)院（Oriental Institute）碩士生導(dǎo)師，牛津大學(xué)“中國(guó)、法律與發(fā)展項(xiàng)目”資深研究員。

阿姆斯特丹大學(xué)文化人類學(xué)與比較社會(huì)學(xué)學(xué)士、柏林理工學(xué)院城市文史科碩士、牛津大學(xué)人類學(xué)博士。

龔鵬程：您好。您的研究，好像集中在工人，而且是移居的打工仔。對(duì)于這個(gè)群體，熱門的應(yīng)該是政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題（就像您寫(xiě)過(guò)書(shū)評(píng)的《共同進(jìn)化的實(shí)用主義: 中非經(jīng)濟(jì)合作的途徑與影響》和《塑造權(quán)力的未來(lái): 中非關(guān)系中的知識(shí)生產(chǎn)和網(wǎng)絡(luò)建設(shè)》等等），可是您不太關(guān)注這些，而關(guān)注日常生活的衣（例如您寫(xiě)過(guò)《中國(guó)制造，非洲時(shí)尚：埃塞俄比亞和莫桑比克的民族服飾》）、?。ɡ缒鷮?xiě)過(guò)《移居非洲:埃塞俄比亞的中國(guó)“蝸居者”》、性（例如您寫(xiě)過(guò)《拯救男子氣概：在中國(guó)婚姻壓力之下的性別賦予》，甚至語(yǔ)言（例如您的《洋涇浜語(yǔ)：埃塞俄比亞中國(guó)建筑工地的語(yǔ)言顛覆》《在非洲做工程項(xiàng)目的中國(guó)人的 “吃苦” 與 “訴苦”》）。為什么選擇這個(gè)角度？并請(qǐng)介紹一下您最近對(duì)中國(guó)在亞洲和非洲的勞動(dòng)力遷移的研究，中國(guó)外來(lái)務(wù)工人員的日常生活是怎樣的？

米瑞安·德瑞森：龔教授，您好。2009 年，我在埃塞俄比亞首都亞的斯亞貝巴讀到了 BBC World 新聞報(bào)道中關(guān)于中國(guó)道路建設(shè)者的文章。這是一片很生動(dòng)的文章，描繪了建設(shè)者們的生活和工作方式。這篇報(bào)道激發(fā)了我的研究興趣。后來(lái)，當(dāng)我不得不為我的博士項(xiàng)目選擇一個(gè)主題時(shí)，我再次想起了這個(gè)故事。我決定更多地了解選擇移居海外工作的中國(guó)道路建設(shè)者，包括認(rèn)證工程師和經(jīng)驗(yàn)更為豐富的工作者。

2011 年，我前往埃塞俄比亞進(jìn)行為期一年的實(shí)地調(diào)研，其中一部分時(shí)間我就住在建筑工地沿線的工人營(yíng)地。中國(guó)大院通常與城鎮(zhèn)分開(kāi)，非常孤立。一些居民將居住區(qū)比作“監(jiān)獄”，將他們?cè)诤Ｍ獾纳畋茸鳌氨痪辛舻臅r(shí)間”。每天的工作枯燥而重復(fù)，而孤獨(dú)的生活又把時(shí)間拉得更長(zhǎng)。工作日長(zhǎng)達(dá) 7 天，工作日至少 10 小時(shí)，期間有集體進(jìn)餐和短暫的午休。到了晚上，工人們回到房間看電視劇，或者在乒乓球室中消遣。在居住區(qū)中的生活也算歡快，因?yàn)橐蝗汗陋?dú)的男性之間更容易產(chǎn)生共情的心理。事實(shí)上，大多數(shù)營(yíng)地居民都是男性。在我的《苦澀的希望：中國(guó)路工在非洲》中，我詳細(xì)描述了筑路者在日常工作中所面臨的考驗(yàn)和磨難。

從一開(kāi)始，我便對(duì)中國(guó)工程師和筑路工人移居海外的動(dòng)機(jī)很感興趣。 是什么驅(qū)使這么多男性來(lái)到非洲？ 在 1990 年到 2000 年，男性主要依托國(guó)內(nèi)建筑公司前往海外目的地。我驚訝地發(fā)現(xiàn)，在中國(guó)購(gòu)置房產(chǎn)或?yàn)榱说盅嘿J款是他們移居海外的主要原因。大多數(shù)來(lái)自中國(guó)農(nóng)村的男性想要進(jìn)入社會(huì)生活，就需要找工作、買房和結(jié)婚。由于無(wú)法依靠家人的經(jīng)濟(jì)支持，他們自己承擔(dān)了購(gòu)買購(gòu)置房產(chǎn)的費(fèi)用。 移居海外使他們省錢很多費(fèi)用。 他們不僅賺得更多，而且開(kāi)支也大大減少。 然而，在購(gòu)買了第一套房產(chǎn)后，許多人留了下來(lái)，選擇購(gòu)買第二套房產(chǎn)，因?yàn)槌蔀橐泼裨缫殉蔀榱艘环N生活方式。

In 2009 I read a BBC World news article on Chinese road builders in Addis Abeba, the capital of Ethiopia. It was a vivid account, depicting how they lived and worked. It sparked my interest. Later, when I had to choose a topic for my doctoral project I was reminded of the story. I decided to learn more about Chinese road builders, both certified engineers and experienced builders, who had chosen to move overseas for work.

In 2011 I left for Ethiopia for one year of field research, part of which I spent living in workers’ camps along the construction sites. Often set apart from towns, Chinese compounds were quite isolated. Some of the residents compared the camps to prison and their life overseas as time spent in custody. Days were repetitive. Months away from their family proceeded slowly. Weekdays were seven days long, workdays at least ten hours, punctuated by shared meals and an afternoon nap. In the evenings, workers retreated into their rooms to watch tv series or disappeared into the table tennis room to release steam. Social life in the camps was marked by conviviality by virtue by a shared experience of isolation and male bonding. Indeed, most camp residents were men. In my book Tales of Hope, Tastes of Bitterness: Chinese Road Builders in Ethiopia (title in Chinese: 苦澀的希望：中國(guó)路工在非洲), I describe in detail the trials and tribulations faced by road builders in their daily working lives.

From the start I was interested in the motivations of Chinese engineers and builders to move overseas. What drove so many men to Africa? In the 1990s and 2000s, it was largely men who accompanied domestic construction firms to overseas destinations. I was surprised to find that many mentioned a house or a mortgage loan as the primary reason for moving overseas. Most men came from rural China and sought to enter society, which required them to find a job, buy a house, and get married. Unable to rely on the financial support of family members they shouldered the costs of purchasing residential property themselves. Moving overseas enabled them to save money. They not only earned more, but had significantly less expenses. However, after buying a first property, many stayed on, opting to buy a second property, as migration became a way of life.

龔鵬程：您從事國(guó)際發(fā)展關(guān)系中的移民研究，跟您自己“游”的經(jīng)歷有關(guān)嗎？你自己作為移民的經(jīng)歷是否影響了你對(duì)移民的研究？

米瑞安·德瑞森：我喜歡旅行、體驗(yàn)不同的生活方式。 這就是我選擇學(xué)習(xí)人類學(xué)的原因。 作為人類學(xué)家，我們?nèi)チ私馑巳绾嗡伎肌⑷タ创澜绾腿ンw驗(yàn)日常生活，同時(shí)，為了分析還保持著距離。 人類學(xué)家參與他們研究對(duì)象的生活，以便更好地掌握決策背后的動(dòng)機(jī)以及研究對(duì)象世界觀背后的個(gè)人故事和歷史軌跡。 我選擇中國(guó)的部分原因，是因?yàn)樗纳鐣?huì)、語(yǔ)言和文化非常不同。 當(dāng)然，您在與自己背景不同的國(guó)家度過(guò)的時(shí)間越長(zhǎng)，你就發(fā)現(xiàn)人與人本身之間的相似度也就越多。

一方面，我在中國(guó)的研究極大地幫助了我了解了中國(guó)移民的生活。完成博士項(xiàng)目后，我回到中國(guó)以進(jìn)一步了解了中國(guó)移民非洲的根源。只有這樣，我才能更好地理解是什么原因驅(qū)使著這么多的男性來(lái)到了非洲。

為了尋找這些根源，我來(lái)到了中國(guó)農(nóng)村。與我一起工作的大多數(shù)人都來(lái)自農(nóng)村。我發(fā)現(xiàn)了更多關(guān)于社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型和人口結(jié)構(gòu)變化的信息，這些變化使她們很難買房，并且在沒(méi)有諸如房產(chǎn)一類能夠代表一個(gè)人地位階級(jí)的情況下，大多數(shù)女性也離開(kāi)了她們一開(kāi)始所結(jié)婚的地區(qū)。

我還發(fā)現(xiàn)了農(nóng)村到城市的遷移和遷移至海外之間的聯(lián)系。 移居城市和移居海外往往是第二代農(nóng)民工可以考慮和考慮的兩種選擇。 農(nóng)村到城市的遷移，使海外移民和返鄉(xiāng)移民在國(guó)內(nèi)變得更加流動(dòng)。 在中國(guó)和埃塞俄比亞之間來(lái)往，也幫助我了解了中國(guó)的發(fā)展與中國(guó)主導(dǎo)的非洲發(fā)展之間的聯(lián)系，以及發(fā)展實(shí)踐的傳播。

I love travelling and experiencing different ways of living. This is why I chose to study anthropology. As anthropologists we seek to understand how others think, see the world, and experience their daily lives, while remaining an analytic distance. Anthropologists participate in the lives of the people they study in order to better grasp the motivations behind the decisions the make and the personal stories and historical trajectories behind their worldviews. I chose China in part because its society, language, and culture are very different. Of course, the longer you spend in a country different from your own, the more similarities you see among people too.

For one, my research in China has greatly helped me understand Chinese activities overseas and the lives of Chinese migrants live. After finishing my doctoral project, I returned to China to learn more about the roots of Chinese migration to Africa. Only this way, I though, I could better understand what drove so many men to Africa. The search for these roots brought me to rural China. Most of the men I had worked with came from the countryside. I found out more about the socio-economic transformations and demographic changes that made it challenging for them to buy a house and, without this crucial status marker, get married in regions where most women left or married up.

I also discovered the linkages between rural-to-urban migration and overseas migration. Moving to the city and moving overseas were often two options available to, and considered by, second generation migrant workers. Rural-to-urban migration enables overseas migration and migrant returnees become more mobile at home. Moving between China and Ethiopia has also helped me understand the connections between development in China and Chinese-led development in Africa, and the diffusion of development practices.

龔鵬程：在華南地區(qū)生活和工作的非洲移民人數(shù)近年來(lái)不斷增加。這與在中國(guó)的非洲移民和在非洲的中國(guó)移民有關(guān)系嗎？

米瑞安·德瑞森：中國(guó)到非洲的移民和非洲到中國(guó)的移民，都源于中國(guó)的新全球化。中國(guó)沿海貿(mào)易中心的許多非洲移民都是商人。他們與中國(guó)和非洲的中國(guó)同行開(kāi)展業(yè)務(wù)。事實(shí)上，許多非洲貿(mào)易商已經(jīng)超越了中國(guó)貿(mào)易商，因?yàn)樗麄兏煜け緡?guó)的市場(chǎng)和消費(fèi)者口味，同時(shí)也找到了進(jìn)入中國(guó)的途徑。

當(dāng)中國(guó)在 20 世紀(jì)后期成為“世界工廠”時(shí)，越來(lái)越多的商品在非洲市場(chǎng)上銷售，那里的客戶渴望生產(chǎn)廉價(jià)但實(shí)用且豐富的商品，例如家用電器和衣服?？梢钥隙ǖ氖牵侵蘅蛻糸L(zhǎng)期以來(lái)一直在消費(fèi)中國(guó)制造的產(chǎn)品。然而，過(guò)去這些商品主要是由歐洲或印度貿(mào)易商等中間商帶到非洲大陸的。當(dāng)中國(guó)在 1980 年代開(kāi)放時(shí)，中國(guó)移民開(kāi)始冒險(xiǎn)外出；最初從浙江、福建、廣東等傳統(tǒng)的發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)到東南亞和歐洲更熟悉的地方，后來(lái)到非洲。家庭之間，利用國(guó)外現(xiàn)有的人際關(guān)系網(wǎng)絡(luò)，降低了移民的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。隨著中國(guó)商品開(kāi)始涌入非洲市場(chǎng)，非洲商人也開(kāi)始想方設(shè)法地從事貿(mào)易并冒險(xiǎn)進(jìn)入中國(guó)。

然而，正如 Gordon Matthews 所記錄的那樣，在過(guò)去幾年，中國(guó)的去工業(yè)化導(dǎo)致貿(mào)易活動(dòng)從中國(guó)轉(zhuǎn)移到越南和東南亞其他地方。貿(mào)易商跟隨工廠搬遷到提供廉價(jià)勞動(dòng)力的國(guó)家。一些中國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè)已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)移到非洲。埃塞俄比亞統(tǒng)計(jì)了許多中國(guó)制革廠、制鞋商和紡織品生產(chǎn)商。中國(guó)企業(yè)家還參與了水泥、膠合板和玻璃等建筑材料的生產(chǎn)。

我的研究，主要集中在參與基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)項(xiàng)目的中國(guó)公民身上。他們與國(guó)內(nèi)公司一起搬到埃塞俄比亞。他們的雇主為他們安排一切，從簽證到工作許可，從住房到餐飲，從旅行到娛樂(lè)。這些工人中的大多數(shù)人住在宿舍里，并受到了時(shí)間上的限制和流動(dòng)性宿舍勞動(dòng)制度的約束。他們的經(jīng)歷與移民企業(yè)家明顯不同。

Chinese migration to Africa and African migration to China have both grown out of China’s new globalism. Many African migrants in China’s coastal trading centres are traders. They conduct business with Chinese counterparts in China and Africa. Indeed, many African traders have outcompeted Chinese traders, as they are more familiar with the markets and consumer tastes in their home countries and have meanwhile found their way to China.

When China became the ‘factory of the world’ in the late twentieth century, increasing volumes of commodities were sold in African markets, where customers were hungry for cheaply produced yet practical and often colourful goods, such as household appliances and clothes. To be sure, African customers have long consumed Chinese-made products. However, in the past these commodities were chiefly brought to the African continent by intermediaries, such as European or Indian traders. When China opened up in the 1980s, Chinese migrants started venturing out; initially from traditional sending regions like Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong to more familiar places in South-East Asia and Europe and later to Africa. Families drew on existing networks abroad, making migration less risky. As Chinese commodities started to flood African markets, African traders began to find ways to engage in trading and ventured to China.

In the past few years, however, as Gordon Matthews has documented, deindustrialization in China has led to a shift of trading activities away from China to Vietnam and other places in South-East Asia. The traders follow factories that have relocated to countries that offer cheaper labour. A few Chinese industries have moved to Africa. Ethiopia counts a number of Chinese tanneries and shoe manufacturers and textile producers. Chinese entrepreneurs are also involved in the production of building materials like cement, plywood, and glass.

My research however focuses on Chinese nationals who are attached to infrastructure construction projects. They move to Ethiopia with domestic companies. Their employers arrange everything for them, from visas to work permits, housing to meals, travels to entertainment. Most of these workers live in dormitories and are subject to a dormitory labour regime that restricts their time and mobility. Their experience is markedly different from migrant entrepreneurs.

龔鵬程：當(dāng)然，您的研究還可能有更大的論題，就像你博士論文的題目：中國(guó)勞動(dòng)力在亞洲和非洲的遷移，或另一個(gè)你用過(guò)的題目：“躁動(dòng)的大地：轉(zhuǎn)型中的中國(guó)農(nóng)村”， 也就是目前中國(guó)“農(nóng)村空缺”的問(wèn)題。但若要深入分析這樣的大論題，政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題仍是避不開(kāi)的，對(duì)此，你有何考慮？你未來(lái)的研究計(jì)劃是什么？ 你認(rèn)為在亞洲或非洲的中國(guó)勞工移民研究中需要進(jìn)一步探索哪些問(wèn)題？

米瑞安·德瑞森：我目前在法律和社會(huì)領(lǐng)域工作，從事一個(gè)新項(xiàng)目的研究：圍繞法院在埃塞俄比亞與中國(guó)互動(dòng)中的作用，揭示了中國(guó)企業(yè)在海外面臨的一些挑戰(zhàn)。

自從他們?cè)?1990 年代作為承包商進(jìn)入該國(guó)并在 2000 年代作為投資者進(jìn)入埃塞俄比亞以來(lái)，中國(guó)公司面臨著越來(lái)越多的埃塞俄比亞原告對(duì)他們提起的訴訟，其中包括雇員、項(xiàng)目工地沿線居民、分包商、供應(yīng)商、房東、銀行和甚至是政府機(jī)關(guān)，導(dǎo)致中國(guó)管理人員感嘆他們?cè)诜ㄍド匣ㄙM(fèi)的時(shí)間比在建筑工地上花費(fèi)的時(shí)間還多。

是什么導(dǎo)致了法庭案件的激增？法院為埃塞俄比亞和中國(guó)的訴訟當(dāng)事人做了什么？這些是我在最新項(xiàng)目中解決的問(wèn)題。為此我在埃塞俄比亞法院內(nèi)外進(jìn)行了實(shí)地考察，閱讀了許多法庭案件，并采訪了法官、律師以及埃塞俄比亞和中國(guó)的原告人和被告人。

至于在埃塞俄比亞的中國(guó)移民，COVID-19 對(duì)他們的生活造成了重大破壞，并迫使他們重新考慮未來(lái)的前景和個(gè)人愿望。2020年全球疫情爆發(fā)后，他們?cè)S多人無(wú)法回家與家人團(tuán)聚。機(jī)票價(jià)格昂貴得令人望而卻步，飛往中國(guó)的航班數(shù)量受到限制。其他確實(shí)有機(jī)會(huì)返回中國(guó)過(guò)年假的人決定留下來(lái)。大流行擾亂了國(guó)際供應(yīng)鏈和市場(chǎng)。埃塞俄比亞的一些中國(guó)人經(jīng)營(yíng)的工廠不得不關(guān)門，至少是暫時(shí)關(guān)閉，導(dǎo)致外籍員工和當(dāng)?shù)貑T工都沒(méi)有工作。許多基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目即將結(jié)束，新項(xiàng)目的招標(biāo)數(shù)量減少。形勢(shì)瞬息萬(wàn)變，中國(guó)移民在非洲及其他地區(qū)的未來(lái)充滿不確定性。COVID-19 對(duì)非洲中國(guó)移民生活的真正影響仍不清楚，未來(lái)可能值得研究。

I am currently working within the field of law and society. I started a new project in which I look at the role of the courts in Ethiopian-Chinese interactions, revealing some of the challenges that Chinese enterprises face overseas. Since they entered the country as contractors in the 1990s and as investors in the 2000s, Chinese firms have faced a growing number of lawsuits brought against them by Ethiopian plaintiffs, including employees, residents along project sites, subcontractors, suppliers, landlords, banks, and even government organs, leading Chinese managers to lament that they spend more time in the courtroom than on the construction site. What has led to this surge in court cases? And what do the courts do for Ethiopian and Chinese litigants? These are the questions I address in my latest project, for which I conducted fieldwork in and around Ethiopian courts, read numerous court cases, and interviewed judges, lawyers, and Ethiopian and Chinese disputants.

As for the Chinese migrants in Ethiopia, COVID-19 has caused major disruptions to their lives and forced them to reconsider future prospects and personal aspirations. Many of them were unable to return home and reunite with their families for more than two years following the outbreak of the global pandemic in 2020. Airfares were prohibitively expensive and the number of flights to China was restricted. Others who did get the chance to return to China for the annual break decided to stay. The pandemic has disrupted international supply chains and markets. Some Chinese-run factories in Ethiopia had to close doors, at least temporarily, leaving both expatriate and local staff without work. Many infrastructure projects are coming to an end and fewer tenders are going out for new projects. The situation is changing rapidly, and the future of Chinese migrants in Africa and beyond is uncertain. The real impact of COVID-19 on the lives of Chinese migrant in Africa is still unclear and might be interesting to study in the future.

龔鵬程：你曾在廈門和上海生活過(guò)15個(gè)月，做研究；在北京、貴州又生活了兩年。你在中國(guó)學(xué)習(xí)和做研究給你留下了哪些回憶?

米瑞安·德瑞森：貴州的鄉(xiāng)村給我留下了最深刻的回憶。我住在一個(gè)山村的宅基地里，只有一條需要一個(gè)多小時(shí)的陡峭攀登的山路與外界連接著。大多數(shù)居民已經(jīng)搬出村莊，在山谷或附近的城鎮(zhèn)定居。一些家庭留下來(lái)見(jiàn)證大自然慢慢接管鄰居的田地。樹(shù)木和雜草覆蓋了他們的地塊或者墳?zāi)埂?/p>

在貴州，我領(lǐng)略了轉(zhuǎn)型中的中國(guó)農(nóng)村，以及向外遷移對(duì)人、動(dòng)物和植被的深遠(yuǎn)影響。我享受鄉(xiāng)村生活。然而，鄰居們敦促隨行的人把我?guī)Щ爻抢铮灰僮屛以卩l(xiāng)下“吃苦頭”。早上，我?guī)椭用駹恐Ｈド缴系哪翀?chǎng)。我學(xué)會(huì)了爬山，也發(fā)現(xiàn)了犁地是一件多么累的事情。山里的食物很好吃，豬肉從來(lái)沒(méi)有像這里一樣好吃，因?yàn)檫@些豬以家庭種植的蔬菜和天然的東西所喂養(yǎng)。

除了在中國(guó)的經(jīng)歷，我還有在埃塞俄比亞經(jīng)歷的“中國(guó)”的記憶。在實(shí)地考察期間，我花了很多時(shí)間與中國(guó)移民一起生活。我記得在埃塞俄比亞北部農(nóng)村的麥田中度過(guò)了中國(guó)新年。飯廳的屏幕上正在播放著春節(jié)聯(lián)歡晚會(huì)，墻上和天花板上都掛著五顏六色的氣球和對(duì)聯(lián)。每個(gè)人都很熱鬧。然而，那天電話網(wǎng)絡(luò)已經(jīng)中斷。一些中國(guó)大院的居民為了能夠聯(lián)系到中國(guó)的家人，辛苦地駕車行駛了 100 公里。晚上，我們玩游戲、吃喝、放鞭炮，嚇壞了當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)民。這是異國(guó)環(huán)境中的慶?；顒?dòng)。它給我的印象是美麗的，但也令人不安。

My stay in rural Guizhou has left me with the most profound memories. I lived in a homestead in a mountain village that could only be reached by a steep climb of more than an hour. Most residents had moved out of the village and settled in the valley or in the nearby town. A few families stayed behind to witness nature taking over the fields of neighbours. Trees now covered their plots and weeds the graves of family members. In Guizhou I was offered a taste of rural China in transition and the far-reaching consequences of outmigration and its consequences for people, animals, and vegetation. I enjoyed rural life. Neighbours however urged my host to bring be back to the city and no longer have me ‘eat bitterness’ in the countryside. In the mornings, I helped lead the water buffalo the grazing pastures higher up the mountain. I learned to climb, and discovered how heavy ploughing is. The food on top of the mountain was delicious. Pork has never tasted as well as here. The pigs were fed on vegetables grown by the family and natural waste.

Apart from memories of experiences in China, I also have memories from the ‘China’ I experienced in Ethiopia. During fieldwork I spent a good amount of time living with Chinese migrants. I recall spending Chinese New Year in a camp, perched amidst fields of wheat in rural northern Ethiopia. The Spring Festival Gala was playing on screen in the dining hall, where the walls and ceiling were decorated with colourful balloons and festive couplets. Everyone was boisterous. Yet the telephone network had been down that day. Some Chinese compound residents had, in vain, travelled up to 100 kilometres by car in order to be able to reach family members in China. In the evening, we played games, ate, drank, and set of firecrackers, with which we scared local farmers. It was a bubble of festivities in a foreign environment. It struck me as beautiful, but also unsettling.

龔鵬程，1956年生于臺(tái)北，臺(tái)灣師范大學(xué)博士，當(dāng)代著名學(xué)者和思想家。著作已出版一百五十多本。

辦有大學(xué)、出版社、雜志社、書(shū)院等，并規(guī)劃城市建設(shè)、主題園區(qū)等多處。講學(xué)于世界各地。并在北京、上海、杭州、臺(tái)北、巴黎、日本、澳門等地舉辦過(guò)書(shū)法展?，F(xiàn)為中國(guó)孔子博物館名譽(yù)館長(zhǎng)、美國(guó)龔鵬程基金會(huì)主席。