2012年，那是一個(gè)龍年。

那年12月，黨的十八大產(chǎn)生的新一屆中央領(lǐng)導(dǎo)集體通過(guò)了《關(guān)于改進(jìn)工作作風(fēng)、密切聯(lián)系群眾的有關(guān)規(guī)定》，至今已經(jīng)過(guò)去十三年，一輪生肖后的蛇年已接近尾聲，馬年的鐘聲都即將敲響。

在這十三年里，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定給國(guó)內(nèi)政治生態(tài)帶來(lái)的變化肉眼可見(jiàn)：

Thirteen years have passed since the Communist Party of China introduced a code to promote self-discipline and enforce strict governance in December 2012, shortly after Xi Jinping was elected general secretary of the CPC Central Committee.

The concise yet powerful Eight-Point Regulation, aimed at improving Party and government conduct and curbing bureaucracy, extravagance and corruption, has since become an important cornerstone of modern Chinese governance.

Over the past decade, the Eight-Point Regulation has reshaped the work style of officials, strengthened discipline within the Party, and, according to both domestic and foreign observers, changed the social behavior of officials in China. What began as a list of behavioral rules for leading officials has evolved into a prevailing spirit and a commitment to discipline and responsibility among all Party members.

2016年以來(lái)，全國(guó)紀(jì)檢監(jiān)察機(jī)關(guān)共查處群眾身邊不正之風(fēng)和腐敗問(wèn)題220.9萬(wàn)個(gè)，給予黨紀(jì)政務(wù)處分183萬(wàn)人，移送檢察機(jī)關(guān)7.3萬(wàn)人。相信每天刷視頻號(hào)、公眾號(hào)、微博抖音快手的讀者們也都知道，動(dòng)輒就有各級(jí)官員落馬，反腐成了大小官員都不敢隨意觸碰的高壓線，據(jù)二十屆中紀(jì)委四次全會(huì)工作報(bào)告披露，直到2024年全國(guó)還有2.5萬(wàn)人主動(dòng)投案。

但腐敗不是中國(guó)獨(dú)有的問(wèn)題，反腐也是全球都要面臨的艱巨任務(wù)。無(wú)論中外，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定都是現(xiàn)代國(guó)家治理學(xué)科的重要研究對(duì)象，其鐵腕治腐的成就和刀刃向內(nèi)的勇氣更是多位學(xué)者重點(diǎn)關(guān)注的課題。

As corruption scandals trouble many parts of the world, domestic and foreign scholars and observers have begun examining the regulation's meaning beyond the Chinese context, and see it as part of China's broader contribution to global governance and a model of institutional self-reform.

老外驚呼：

中國(guó)的黨紀(jì)連官員吃飯都管得??！

中國(guó)人民大學(xué)重陽(yáng)金融研究院高級(jí)研究員羅思義（John Ross）在接受我們專(zhuān)訪時(shí)就表示，“這一規(guī)則（八項(xiàng)規(guī)定）清楚地表明了中國(guó)在應(yīng)對(duì)腐敗問(wèn)題上的做法，與西方制度中缺乏此類(lèi)機(jī)制形成了鮮明對(duì)比?！?/p>

在他看來(lái)，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定及2017年出臺(tái)的實(shí)施細(xì)則一個(gè)十分突出的特點(diǎn)是，不僅涵蓋諸如多調(diào)研、密切聯(lián)系群眾等重大問(wèn)題，而且具體規(guī)范了領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部的公務(wù)用餐、公務(wù)出行等具體細(xì)節(jié)，這個(gè)特點(diǎn)反映出與西方在執(zhí)政黨內(nèi)部紀(jì)律治理思路上的根本差異。

長(zhǎng)期來(lái)華活動(dòng)的他，觀察到八項(xiàng)規(guī)定以后一個(gè)很有意思的現(xiàn)象，那就是公務(wù)宴請(qǐng)活動(dòng)明顯減少、出行規(guī)定趨緊、公務(wù)禮儀也更加簡(jiǎn)化，而這一切都是八項(xiàng)規(guī)定立竿見(jiàn)影的效果。

"The regulation clearly shows the difference between China's approach to dealing with corruption and the absence of such mechanisms in the Western system," John Ross, a senior fellow at the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China, told China Daily.

"It's enough to look at how China’s rules extend from major issues down to details such as official meals and business trips to see the complete difference in approach."

Ross was referring to the details of the Party’s disciplinary measures. In the early years following the adoption of the regulation they were often discussed in the context of lifestyle changes among officials — banquets were reduced, travel policies tightened, and protocol simplified.

“八項(xiàng)規(guī)定能管官員生活”，這也是西方媒體和學(xué)者都關(guān)注的點(diǎn)。早在2014年，也就是八項(xiàng)規(guī)定出臺(tái)一年多之后，英國(guó)廣播公司（BBC）的報(bào)道指出：“八項(xiàng)規(guī)定的一些直接效果包括：高檔月餅逐漸消失，高端香煙和烈酒價(jià)格大幅下降，以及風(fēng)景名勝區(qū)和歷史文化區(qū)域內(nèi)大量會(huì)所和高檔餐廳的關(guān)閉?！?/p>

而在英國(guó)諾丁漢大學(xué)2019年一篇博士學(xué)位論文中，作者以深圳為例，已經(jīng)開(kāi)始探討八項(xiàng)規(guī)定的成就了：

“違反八項(xiàng)規(guī)定的案件數(shù)量持續(xù)下降，表明干部更加重視整治‘四風(fēng)’問(wèn)題，并更加注重自身的日常行為規(guī)范，這可以被視為重塑公眾對(duì)政府信任、推進(jìn)反腐斗爭(zhēng)的一個(gè)良好開(kāi)端?！?/p>

A 2019 doctoral thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham described several direct outcomes of the policy.

"Some immediate impacts of the Eight-Point Regulation include the disappearance of luxurious mooncakes, a steep drop in the prices of high-end cigarettes and spirits, and the closure of many clubhouses and upscale restaurants in scenic and historic areas," the author noted, citing BBC reports.

"Following this trend, the number of violations of the Eight-Point Regulation has been reducing dramatically."

以小見(jiàn)大，羅思義指出，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定鐵腕治腐的背后是中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨杰出的社會(huì)治理能力。他還特意提到，這一結(jié)論在他的新書(shū)《百年大變局：中國(guó)與世界》中也有記載，他有足夠的自信自己的論斷經(jīng)得起時(shí)間的檢驗(yàn)。

Ross, citing his new book

Profound Changes Unseen in a Century: The World and China

治腐敗需要?jiǎng)傂缘闹贫龋?/strong>

更需要?jiǎng)傂缘膱?zhí)行

北京師范大學(xué)馬克思主義學(xué)院副院長(zhǎng)、教授楊增崠的關(guān)注點(diǎn)不太一樣。在他看來(lái)，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定的成功不僅在于定下了嚴(yán)格的制度與規(guī)矩，更在于嚴(yán)格且持續(xù)地執(zhí)行。

楊增崠在接受《中國(guó)日?qǐng)?bào)》采訪時(shí)指出：“嚴(yán)明的紀(jì)律是中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨反腐敗取得成效的關(guān)鍵。與所謂的‘權(quán)力分立’模式相比，真正遏制腐敗的不是權(quán)力在形式上的分散，而是規(guī)則的權(quán)威以及執(zhí)行規(guī)則的能力。”

他表示，八項(xiàng)規(guī)定最初主要針對(duì)高級(jí)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)干部，但此后已逐步擴(kuò)展至全體黨員和公職人員，體現(xiàn)了這一制度的成熟性。

“剛出臺(tái)時(shí)，它的重點(diǎn)是約束領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層的行為，”楊增崠說(shuō)，“但隨著時(shí)間推移，這一規(guī)定不僅沒(méi)有弱化，反而不斷演進(jìn)和強(qiáng)化。如今，在‘八項(xiàng)規(guī)定精神’的理念下，它覆蓋的對(duì)象更加廣泛，并持續(xù)指導(dǎo)著干部如何與公眾互動(dòng)?！?/p>

楊增崠強(qiáng)調(diào)，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨長(zhǎng)期堅(jiān)持落實(shí)八項(xiàng)規(guī)定，展現(xiàn)出一種獨(dú)特的自我治理能力：“在一個(gè)不斷變化的世界中，黨能夠長(zhǎng)期維持這樣一套行之有效的制度安排，體現(xiàn)了堅(jiān)定的決心和治理能力。并不是世界上每一個(gè)政治組織都能夠開(kāi)展這種持續(xù)不斷的自我紀(jì)律教育?！?/p>

Yang Zengdong, vice-dean of the School of Marxism at Beijing Normal University, said the success of the Eight-Point Regulation lies in its disciplined implementation rather than in its words alone.

"Strong discipline is the key to the CPC’s success in combating corruption,” Yang said in an interview with China Daily. "Compared with the so-called 'partition of power' model, what truly curbs corruption is not the mere separation of authority, but the power of rules and the ability to enforce them."

Yang said while the regulation initially targeted senior officials, it has since expanded to apply to all Party members and government employees, reflecting its "institutional maturity".

"When it was first issued, it was meant to restrain the behavior of top leaders," he said. "But over time, it has evolved and strengthened rather than weakened. Today, it governs a much broader group under the concept known as the 'spirit of the Eight-Point Regulation', and this spirit continues to guide how officials interact with the public."

He emphasized that the CPC’s enduring commitment to the regulation demonstrates a unique capacity for self-governance.

"In a world undergoing constant changes, the Party's ability to sustain such an effective and long-term institutional framework shows both determination and capability," Yang said. "Not every political organization in the world can conduct this kind of continuous self-discipline education."

楊增崠的這一看法，在某種程度上反映了國(guó)內(nèi)學(xué)界和輿論界對(duì)于腐敗認(rèn)識(shí)的變遷。曾幾何時(shí)，英國(guó)阿克頓勛爵的名言“絕對(duì)的權(quán)力導(dǎo)致絕對(duì)的腐敗”被很多學(xué)者奉為經(jīng)典，但隨著我國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)的不斷發(fā)展，人們對(duì)于腐敗現(xiàn)象有了更深的認(rèn)識(shí)，理解了其復(fù)雜的成因和背后社會(huì)治理的諸多問(wèn)題，并更多從社會(huì)治理失敗的角度去理解腐敗。

為什么美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)里有那么多

“史密斯專(zhuān)員”？

由此，西方社會(huì)無(wú)法根除腐敗的原因越發(fā)清晰。西式多黨制民主能讓多個(gè)黨派輪流執(zhí)政，但誰(shuí)又能保證這些輪流執(zhí)政的黨派不會(huì)撈一把就走呢？反正又不用長(zhǎng)久負(fù)責(zé)，四年后就換人了，不撈白不撈嘛！

羅思義對(duì)這點(diǎn)研究得十分透徹。他引用中共中央紀(jì)律檢查委員會(huì)的數(shù)據(jù)顯示，自2012年以來(lái)，已有數(shù)以萬(wàn)計(jì)的干部因違紀(jì)違法問(wèn)題受到調(diào)查，但案件發(fā)生的總體頻率持續(xù)下降，這表明我國(guó)反腐機(jī)制正在起效果。

相比之下的美國(guó)就顯得有些凌亂了?；谄鋵?duì)西方社會(huì)的了解，羅思義舉了大洋彼岸的例子：“美國(guó)國(guó)會(huì)的大多數(shù)議員都是百萬(wàn)富翁。他們?cè)诜缮媳辉试S購(gòu)買(mǎi)那些受到其所通過(guò)法律或所監(jiān)督調(diào)查影響的公司股票。與此同時(shí)，企業(yè)還會(huì)花費(fèi)數(shù)億美元為他們的競(jìng)選活動(dòng)提供資金支持?！?/p>

這是有根據(jù)的——根據(jù)事實(shí)核查網(wǎng)站PolitiFact.org的一份報(bào)告，2020年美國(guó)大約一半的立法者都坐擁百萬(wàn)美元以上的財(cái)產(chǎn)，而普通公眾中這一比例僅約為1%。

西方人羅思義對(duì)此的看法是：“西式民主一直與逐利行為和腐敗現(xiàn)象相伴而生。企業(yè)和個(gè)人經(jīng)常通過(guò)金錢(qián)捐助來(lái)?yè)Q取政治上的好處。”

Data from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the CPC shows that tens of thousands of officials have been investigated for violations since 2012, but the overall frequency of cases has steadily declined, indicating that deterrence and self-restraint have taken root.

Ross contrasted China’s system with that of the United States.

"The majority of members of the US Congress are millionaires," he said. "They are legally allowed to purchase shares in companies affected by the laws they pass or the investigations they oversee. Meanwhile, corporations spend hundreds of millions of dollars funding their campaigns."

In 2020, approximately half of US lawmakers were millionaires, compared with only about 1 percent of the general public, according to a PolitiFact.org report.

"The Western form of democracy has always been linked to moneymaking and corruption," Ross said. "Companies and individuals frequently receive favors in exchange for financial contributions."

他信手拈來(lái)一個(gè)在美國(guó)輿論場(chǎng)上影響極大的案例。據(jù)報(bào)道，美國(guó)最高法院大法官克拉倫斯·托馬斯在二十多年的時(shí)間里接受了來(lái)自德州億萬(wàn)富翁、共和黨捐贈(zèng)人哈蘭·克勞提供的奢華旅行套餐，包括私人飛機(jī)出行和一次價(jià)值超過(guò)50萬(wàn)美元的印尼九天游艇之旅。

“當(dāng)連司法機(jī)關(guān)都被視為與金錢(qián)緊密相連時(shí)，很難再說(shuō)西方民主制度能夠防止腐敗，”羅思義表示，甚至連美國(guó)總統(tǒng)職位本身也已成為大規(guī)?；I款活動(dòng)的平臺(tái)。

腐敗丑聞也時(shí)不時(shí)震動(dòng)歐洲。荷蘭廣播公司NH報(bào)道，阿姆斯特丹一名市政工作人員在十月中旬被指控貪污，而且在全國(guó)至少95起暴力事件中存在共謀行為。據(jù)稱，該工作人員向信息中介出售機(jī)密數(shù)據(jù)，中介再將其交給負(fù)責(zé)襲擊和爆炸的犯罪團(tuán)伙。

這個(gè)故事告訴我們，腐敗不僅要老百姓的錢(qián)，還要老百姓的命。

在立陶宛，自由運(yùn)動(dòng)黨前領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人因接受MG Baltic財(cái)團(tuán)高管的賄賂，于2023年被定罪。當(dāng)?shù)孛襟w諷刺稱這是“老式腐敗案件”，因?yàn)榱⑻胀饑?guó)家反貪?rùn)C(jī)構(gòu)在他家中和車(chē)內(nèi)共發(fā)現(xiàn)了24.2萬(wàn)歐元的現(xiàn)金，而歐洲查處的很多腐敗分子早已進(jìn)化了版本，通過(guò)比特幣收受賄賂了。

根據(jù)歐盟司法合作機(jī)構(gòu)Eurojust的數(shù)據(jù)，2016年至2021年間，共登記了505起腐敗案件，其中2016年為78起，2021年增至112起。分析人士指出，案件數(shù)量的增加在一定程度上反映了執(zhí)法力度的增強(qiáng)，但也顯示出腐敗在歐洲機(jī)構(gòu)中具有持續(xù)的結(jié)構(gòu)性特征。

He cited a series of examples that have stirred public debate in the US. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, for example, reportedly accepted luxury trips over more than two decades from Texas billionaire and Republican donor Harlan Crow, including private jet flights and a nine-day yacht cruise in Indonesia worth over half a million dollars.

"When even the judiciary is seen as financially entangled, it becomes hard to argue that Western democracy is a safeguard against corruption," Ross said, adding that the US presidency itself has become a platform for massive fundraising efforts. "It is only necessary to look at these facts to see that the claim that Western democracy prevents officials from profiting is false," he added.

Corruption scandals have also periodically shaken Europe. In the Netherlands, a municipal employee in Amsterdam was charged in mid-October with corruption and complicity in at least 95 violent incidents across the country, Dutch broadcaster NH reported. The employee allegedly sold confidential data to information brokers, who then passed it to criminal groups responsible for attacks and explosions, showing how breaches of integrity can directly threaten public safety.

In Lithuania, the former leader of the Liberal Movement party was convicted in 2023 for accepting bribes from an executive at the MG Baltic conglomerate. Local media mockingly described it as an "old-fashioned corruption case" because, unlike the more popular practice of accepting bribes via bitcoin, he was found by national anti-graft police to have 242,000 euros ($269,000) hidden in his home and car.

According to Eurojust, the EU agency for judicial cooperation, a total of 505 corruption cases were registered between 2016 and 2021, a sharp rise from 78 in 2016 to 112 in 2021. Analysts note that while the growing number of cases partly reflects stronger enforcement, it also points to the persistent structural nature of corruption in European institutions.

赤裸裸的低級(jí)腐敗

原汁原味的西方民主國(guó)家尚且如此，那些學(xué)了他們皮毛的西式民主國(guó)家的情況更加不難想象。國(guó)家發(fā)展和改革委員會(huì)國(guó)際合作中心研究員、以印度研究聞名的毛克疾表示，在那些沒(méi)有相應(yīng)文化支撐卻采納西式選舉制度的國(guó)家，腐敗往往更為普遍，比如他所研究的印度。

“在印度，腐敗幾乎成為日常生活的一部分，”毛克疾不無(wú)痛心地表示，“它表現(xiàn)為最基本的形式，比如賄選。理論上民主可以約束當(dāng)權(quán)者，但在印度這樣的欠發(fā)達(dá)經(jīng)濟(jì)體中，人們傾向于以很低的價(jià)格把自己手里的選票賣(mài)出去，以這種形式上臺(tái)的當(dāng)選者自然會(huì)通過(guò)腐敗來(lái)收回成本?！?/p>

2013年，《今日印度》的一篇報(bào)道顯示，在北方邦，“超過(guò)100個(gè)領(lǐng)取政府資金的機(jī)構(gòu)只是紙面存在?！?/p>

Mao Keji, a research fellow at the National Development and Reform Commission's International Cooperation Center, known for his studies on India, said that countries adopting Western-style electoral systems without equivalent institutional culture often see corruption take different, sometimes more pervasive, forms.

"In India, corruption is almost part of daily life," Mao said. "It manifests in basic forms such as vote-buying. While democracy can theoretically restrain power, in underdeveloped economies, people tend to sell votes cheaply, and those who gain office then use it to recover their costs through corruption."

A 2013 India Today report revealed that in Uttar Pradesh state, "over 100 institutions receiving government funds existed only on paper".

“在整個(gè)南亞，許多以英國(guó)制度為模型的民主國(guó)家，通過(guò)選舉并未減少腐敗，”毛克疾補(bǔ)充道。“相比之下，新加坡雖不被視為西式民主，但卻實(shí)現(xiàn)了全球公認(rèn)的清廉高效治理。”

毛克疾進(jìn)一步指出，從更深層次看，反腐敗是國(guó)家治理能力的一部分?！巴ㄟ^(guò)《八項(xiàng)規(guī)定》等措施，中國(guó)有效遏制了貪腐，加強(qiáng)了治理能力，為完成‘十四五’規(guī)劃（2021-2025年）并為下一個(gè)規(guī)劃奠定基礎(chǔ)創(chuàng)造了有利條件，”他說(shuō)。

"Across South Asia, many democracies modeled on the British system have not reduced corruption through elections,” he added. “By contrast, Singapore, though not considered a Western-style democracy, has achieved globally recognized clean and efficient governance."

At a deeper level, Mao argued, anti-corruption is part of national governance capacity. "Through the Eight-Point Regulation and similar measures, China has effectively curbed graft, strengthened its governance, and created favorable conditions to complete the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25) while preparing the next," he said.

下一個(gè)五年計(jì)劃也是德國(guó)學(xué)者沃爾夫拉姆·阿多爾菲（Wolfram Adolphi）的興趣所在。

研究中國(guó)已有近四十年的他非常關(guān)注今年十月召開(kāi)的中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨第二十屆中央委員會(huì)第四次全體會(huì)議。他認(rèn)為，這次會(huì)議是中國(guó)治理理念——紀(jì)律性、延續(xù)性和自我改革——在“十五五”規(guī)劃（2026-2030年）中得到進(jìn)一步體現(xiàn)的機(jī)會(huì)。

阿多爾菲在接受《中國(guó)日?qǐng)?bào)》采訪時(shí)表示：“在瞬息萬(wàn)變的世界中，中國(guó)無(wú)疑成為穩(wěn)定的錨點(diǎn)。它得益于近50年來(lái)以長(zhǎng)期規(guī)劃和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力為基礎(chǔ)的穩(wěn)健現(xiàn)代化進(jìn)程。這種連續(xù)性在當(dāng)今國(guó)際政治中十分罕見(jiàn)?！?/p>

他還指出，未來(lái)的治理不應(yīng)被框定為制度之間的對(duì)抗，而應(yīng)以互相學(xué)習(xí)為方向。

“未來(lái)應(yīng)屬于全人類(lèi)共享，”他說(shuō)?！笆澜缢枰牟皇侵贫雀?jìng)爭(zhēng)，而是對(duì)話、交流和共同進(jìn)步?！?/p>

Wolfram Adolphi is a German political scientist who has studied China for nearly four decades.

He said he followed with great interest the fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, held in October. He viewed the meeting as an opportunity for China’s governance concepts, namely discipline, continuity, and self-reform, to be further reflected in the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30).

"China now undoubtedly serves as an anchor of stability in a fast-changing world," Adolphi told China Daily. "It reaps the benefits of nearly 50 years of steady modernization based on long-term planning and leadership. This consistency is rare in global politics today."

He added that the future of governance should not be framed as rivalry between systems, but as mutual learning.

"The future should be shared between all peoples," he said. "Rather than system competition, what the world needs is dialogue, exchange, and shared progress."

記者：張周項(xiàng)